Posted By Humberto Fontova On September 21, 2011 @ 12:21 am In Daily
"I am leaving Cuba most disappointed and perplexed," said former New
Mexico Governor and recent Democratic diplomatic troubleshooter Bill
Richardson from Havana's Hotel Nacional last week. "After one week [in
Cuba] I have exhausted all possibilities to visit Alan Gross. I have
tried all channels. All I asked was a simple humanitarian gesture. And
it was denied."
Alan Gross is a U.S. citizens and a contractor for USAID, jailed in Cuba
since December 3, 2009. His crime was bringing cell phone and Internet
equipment into Castro's fiefdom to help Cuba's tiny Jewish community
communicate more freely with the outside world. For the record,
pre-Castro Cuba boasted more phones and TVs per capita than most
European countries. Today, Castro's fiefdom has fewer Internet users per
capita than Uganda, and fewer cell phones than Papua New Guinea. The
Stalinist regime is very vigilant in these matters.
According to the Associated Press (emphasis added): "The case has
crippled attempts to improve relations between Washington and Havana,
and destroyed what had been a warm relationship between Richardson and
The blame for this "crippling" is being disputed. Castro regime
spokesperson Josefina Vidal was quoted by the AP as follows (emphasis
added): "The release of U.S. citizen jailed in Cuba, Alan Gross, was
never on the table during the preparations for his trip, which was made
clear to Mr. Richardson as soon as he raised it."
"The Cubans are making flimsy excuses," replies Richardson's spokesman,
Gilbert Gallegos, "only after they personally invited Gov. Richardson to
discuss the Alan Gross detention and only after they inexplicably
stonewalled Governor Richardson."
Last Tuesday, President Obama told reporters: "Anything to get Mr. Gross
free we will support, although Mr. Richardson does not represent the
U.S. government in his actions there." Then the New York Times reported
that, in fact, Richardson would offer to remove Cuba from the U.S. State
Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism. U.S. "tourists" do not
generally carry such authority.
In fact, there's little incentive for the Castro regime to comply with
the Obama administration, which has been offering carrots aplenty, but
without sticks. To wit: In executive order after executive order, Obama
abolished President Bush's travel and remittance restrictions to
Castro's terrorist-sponsoring fiefdom and opened the travel and
remittance cash pipeline to a point where the cash-flow from the U.S. to
Cuba today is estimated at $4 billion a year. While a proud Soviet
satrapy, Cuba received $3-5 billion annually from the Soviets. But the
Soviet subsidies came with strings attached. Nowadays, the cash-flow
from the U.S. is essentially "free-money" for the Castro regime. So
again: "What's to improve?" the Castroites must be asking themselves.
As a public service for Gov. Richardson and the Obama State Department's
Cuba "experts," I provide case studies of others who helped Castro
consolidate power, then promptly exhausted their "usefulness." Few
revolutions have "devoured their own children" with the voracity of
Castro and Che's.
Humberto Sori Marin had been an official comandante in Castro's rebel
movement and its official "Judge Advocate General," where he initially
helped sentence many hapless Cubans to Che Guevara's firing squads.
Later, he soured on the obviously Stalinist regime he helped install. In
April of 1961, he was himself arrested as a "counterrevolutionary" and
his brother Mariano went to visit Castro, pleading clemency for his
brother. If only "for old times' sake," pleaded Mariano, recalling when
Fidel and Humberto had been revolutionary comrades.
"Don't worry, Mariano," a smiling Castro said while slapping him
affectionately on the back. "In the Sierra I learned to love your
brother. Yes, he's in our custody, but completely safe from harm.
Absolutely nothing will happen to him. Please give your mom and dad a
big hug and big kiss from me and tell them to please calm down."
The next day, Mariano collapsed at the sight of his brother Humberto's
mangled corpse in a mass grave. Castro's firing squad had pumped over 20
shots into his brother's body that very dawn. Humberto Sori Marin's head
was almost completely obliterated; his face unrecognizable.
"Kneel and beg for your life!" Castro's executioners taunted the bound
and helpless William Morgan, as he glowered at Castro's firing squad in
April 1961. Morgan was an AWOL GI with creditors and ex-wives on his
tail, who fled to Cuba and wound up a comandante in Castro's Rebel army
in 1959. He also soured on the revolution when the unmistakably Red
pattern emerged. Castro heard about Morgan's discomfiture through spies
and promptly arrested him. Within weeks, he was in front of a firing squad.
"I kneel for no man!" Morgan snarled back, according to eye witness John
Martino in his book, "I Was Castro's Prisoner."
"Very well, Meester Weel-yam Morgan," replied his executioner, while the
firing squad aimed low, on purpose – "FUEGO!"
The first volley shattered Morgan's knees. He collapsed snarling and
writhing. "See, Meester Morgan?" giggled a voice from above. "We made
you kneel, didn't we?" Over the next few minutes, as he lie writhing,
four more bullets slammed into Morgan, all very carefully aimed to miss
vitals. Finally, an executioner walked up and blasted his skull to
pieces with a .45.
Che Guevara had a wall torn out of his 2nd story office in Havana's La
Cabana prison and execution yard office to better watch and coach his
beloved firing squads. Though he was technically Cuba's "Minister of
Industries" at the time, many former La Cabana prisoners say he was the
one giggling and mocking Morgan during his last minutes alive.